Most crucially, the Conservatives will have the strongest argument of all: common sense. When it comes to Parliament and constitutionality, convention has a technical definition, and some will claim that convention favors the Conservatives in that regard. That is possible.Even more importantly, the technical meaning of convention is linked to how the term is used informally. The ordinary grasp of convention, of shared customs and standards, is the most potent of all. People intuitively grasp that our democracy requires a realistic understanding of representation. They are justifiably wary of arguments that begin with "but, technically…," for good cause. They believe that the party with the most seats will win.Any attempt by Trudeau to cling to power would be viewed as, as Sean Speer put it on Twitter in reaction to Coyne's writing, a "coalition of election losers." Coyne disliked the turn of phrase, but how else could he understand the situationIf the Conservatives win the most seats in the next election, people will believe they deserve a chance at governing, and people, especially lately, are more likely to follow their instincts. Conservatives can prepare for this. Plan A is, and should be, to secure a majority government. However, Plan B, a strategy for throne address support and a public case for legitimacy, should be in the works. And, if you ask me, the argument will be simple to make.It's been two summers since I visited the anti-logging protest camps at Fairy Creek on Vancouver Island's southwest coast, and I still can't reconcile my opposing viewpoints on them. On the one hand.
I believe the RCMP overreached in its treatment of the protestors
yet, I believe the RCMP might have done a better—more lawful and efficient—job executing the logging company's injunctions against the protesters. And on the merits of the argument, I support the demonstrators, even though I find them personally unappealing. In the face of cognitive ambiguity, I am compelled to rely on instinct, and the result is clear: I reject logging old growth forests. I went to Fairy Creek with the intention of writing about what I observed, but I was there for such little time that when I sat down at my computer, I realized that my observations and insights did not justify my contribution. They probably still don't, but I was reminded of my visit last week when I received an email from MP Patrick Weiler (West Vancouver-Sunshine Coast-Sea to Sky Country) asking me to write a letter to federal government ministers supporting Motion M-83. The motion asks the government to safeguard old-growth forests byTo protect old growth forests on federal land, prioritize long-term protection for endangered ecosystems, establish the Old Growth Nature Fund by 2023, and prohibit the export of old growth logs and wood products from Canada by 2030 The communication prompted me to review my notes from June 2021 and evaluate how my opinions then and now relate to Mr Weiler's motion. In my opinion, M-83 is a good motion overall. I don't agree with everything in it, particularly the preamble, but subjective perfection is an unattainable goal in deliberative politics. I contributed my name to the petition. The following is an attempt to explain why.
Before visiting Fairy Creek, I researched the arguments
for and against the protests, including the debate over how to define "old growth." I read letters from local elected First Nations officials accusing the demonstrators of colonial arrogance, and I heard local foresters' outrage with interlopers shutting down the labor that has maintained their community for over a century. I also studied the UBC Faculty of Forestry's report on "forests and forest-dependent communities" and the B.C. NDP government's Old Growth Strategic Review report, both of which advocated for varied levels of industrial logging and conservation. But I wanted to see it for myself. When I chose to visit in June 2021, self-described "land defenders" had been camping for a little less than a year, seeking to prevent the destruction of old growth forest near a protected watershed. Fairy Creek, with its propagandist-friendly moniker, drew demonstrators from all over Canada. There had already been 260 arrests, but by the end of August, the number of arrests had risen to 800, and by the end of 2021, about 1,200 arrests would make it the greatest act of civil disobedience in contemporary Canadian history. That was still in the future, yet everyone I encountered might have predicted it.
As I neared the spot, I saw about a half-dozen
police cars parked along the road. The week before my visit, the police raided several of the camps further up the mountain, where protesters were digging in to prevent the logging firm from building new roads. They had shackled themselves to camp buildings, locked and cemented themselves into trenches on the road that obstructed logging machinery, and balanced themselves precariously on trees leaning above the road or, in one case, over a canyon next to the road. However, the officers I saw appeared comfortable. They appeared to be napping as they reclined in their seats and wore sunglasses. There would be no conflicts today.Before arriving at the base camp, "Fairy Creek HQ," I had to pass through two road barriers approximately a hundred yards apart on a gravel access road, both manned by young protesters. Given the remaining tension from the previous arrests, I anticipated them to be more skeptical, but after a few questions, they determined that I just wanted to look around and directed me to a dirt parking lot a few hundred yards further up the road. They just asked if I planned to remain the night (I didn't), if I had packed supplies (I hadn't), and if I didn't want to shoot individual protesters or camp infrastructure.
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